By Naomi Moker
Ford Falcons without license plates slide through the streets like sharks. A fleet of them would park outside an apartment or a home while large groups of armed security forces dressed in plain clothes stormed inside, tying up families, breaking furniture and dishes, pillaging, and ultimately, dragging away a son or a daughter” -Marguerite Bouvard, “Revolutionizing Motherhood”, 1994.
No person should ever be subject to a period of terror and violence, fearing they will be tied up and handed over to government officials, suggests human rights activist, Marguerite Bouvard. However, Las Madres de la Plaza de Mayo (Las Madres or The Mothers) and the Sisters in Spirit (SIS) are two specific non-governmental organizations (NGOs) that examine one single and growing concern worldwide: the disappearances of persons. Las Madres is a group of women in Argentina who developed as a political organization that examines the brutality of abductions and disappearances, advocating for the right of the public to know the whereabouts of people that have disappeared as a result of the Dirty War in Argentina in the late 1970s. SIS is a Canadian national organization that looks at the violence experienced by Aboriginal women across various provinces in Canada, where violence has led to missing women or murdered women. Both groups are examples of two non-governmental organizations (NGOs) that have risen out of people’s protests against the government’s inaction towards violence, the countless disappeared persons and the right to knowing the whereabouts of their loved ones. Both groups have also been crossing borders advocating and lobbying their governments for change while raising public awareness worldwide. Specifically, the two NGOS operate and unite by using a common language, using the terms “suffrage”, “violence” and “disappearances” to frame and place the severity of this issue on the international and global agenda. Both groups also utilize Amnesty International as a leverage point to propel this situation to the global scale, and SIS even uses the guidance of the National Women’s Association of Canada (NWAC), as well.
However, although both groups can be paralleled, there is an important difference between these two NGOs. The important difference is that although both groups utilized Amnesty International to advocate for rights, the Mothers of the Plaza arose to fight government-conducted abductions, while Sisters in Spirit arose to fight abductions for which the government can be tied to at most by its inaction.
Keck and Sikkink state that “many Latin American human rights activists became involved in networks as a result of their personal experience living under repressive regimes” (Keck and Sikkink, 92). This statement by Keck and Sikkink could not be any truer than in the case of Las Madres. Las Madres is an organization of a group of women who expressed their growing concern of the lack of information being distributed to the public regarding disappeared children in the repressive regime of the Dirty War in Argentina in the 1970s. Marguerite Bouvard, a writer who spent lots of time with Las Madres, states that many of Las Madres were stay-at-home-moms: “they were housewives, and those who had worked were employed in areas reserved for women, such as primary- school education, social work and retail sales. Few had received an education beyond high school […] and only two had previous political experience” (Bouvard, 1). Although members of Las Madres did not have a high level of education and the fact that they looked down upon because they were women instead of men, these women did not let the government stop them from advocating for their rights. They accurately chose the Plaza de Mayo as their location to proclaim their issue of disappeared children; the Plaza de Mayo was not only a symbolic place in past centuries to Argentina, but also became a symbolic place for centuries to come because of Las Madres. Advocating in the Plaza de Mayo had a significant impact on the world because it was the square where Argentina gained its independence from Spain, yet also the location of the presidential palace, the cathedral and the most important banks and a place where countless other groups have claimed rights in Argentinean history, summarizes Bouvard (Bouvard, 2). Las Madres, therefore, were transformative and informative for using symbolism to unite in the battle for human rights around the globe, because “they transformed the Plaza de Mayo so that it not only reflected the power and dissent but also celebrated their unique battle for human rights and their radicalized, collective version of maternity” (Bouvard, 2).
As Las Madres began advocating strongly in the Plaza de Mayo and all over different places in Argentina, it is not surprising that Las Madres began forming a common language with several other advocacy groups in the human rights networks that revolved around terms with influential connotations behind them, using phrases and terms such as “disappearances”, “suffrage” and “international human rights”. In fact, William DeMars, author of NGOs and Transnational Politics, states Las Madres and other various groups that were involved in Argentina’s human rights network were even influential on a political scale, leading Argentina away from becoming a socialist political Cuban left-wing model and steering it towards the United States’ political democratic right-wing model. It seems that although this human rights network failed to stop the countless violations of human rights during the Dirty War itself, the network played a bigger role: “it acted as a catalyst for the transition to democracy in Argentina” as one of the first steps to regional transformation and the acceptation of democracy within Latin America (DeMars, 119), given that Latin America was thought to have more socialist ideas, similar to that of Cuba. At this time, not only did NGOs like Las Madres influence democratic human rights within Argentina, but another well-known NGO partnered with Las Madres in the human rights network that was responsible for exposing many crimes relating to the violation of human rights, called Amnesty International (AI). DeMars states, “the Amnesty line [AI network] seduced the Latin American left away from the Cuban line so that it could accept the democracy line” (DeMars, 119). In this way, AI was heavily involved in spreading information to numerous parts of the world by interviewing various women who were a part of Las Madres, personalizing issues in order to create awareness of the situation in Argentina. AI was responsible for placing disappearances and the brutality of a repressive regime on the international agenda by displaying Las Madres, who were fighting against the abductions carried out by the Argentinean government. AI succeeded in lobbying governments to take a more realistic look at human rights issues, by re-framing these specific atrocities that were happening in Argentina with common language. They used phrases like “torture”, “abductions”, “interrogations” to send a message out globally that not only did regimes have an effect politically and militarily, but that it affected the civilians, as well. Specifically, Keck and Sikkink state that AI filed a report that publicly announced: “the abuses of the regime with the emphasis on the problem of the disappeared [… in that] the disappearances were part of a deliberate government policy by which the military and the police kidnapped perceived opponents” (Keck and Sikkink, 104). AI even states that the government would take individuals to detention-type camps where they would brutally torture and kill them.
However, although AI creates dark and hopeless feelings towards these disappearances in order to frame the severity of the disappearances, one can still see the sunshine peeking through the clouds amidst the darkness. Las Madres still emerge as successful NGO and a source of inspiration for placing international disappearances on the international agenda through utilizing AI and the Argentinean network. It is no doubt clear that the Las Madres are a source of inspiration as they continued to rally against injustices in Argentina, even when many organizations worldwide would be afraid of defying the government and military during a war crisis, given that these women were subject to the very horrors that AI reported about. Even Bouvard states: “the Mothers not only continued to demonstrate in the Plaza de Mayo but also, in 1979, openly constituted themselves as an organization promoting democratic values”, of which democratic values were against the Argentinean government who wanted to pursue a more left-winged government similar to that of Cuba (Bouvard, 2). Las Madres were also particularly successful when they began to organize marches that took place walking around and around the Plaza (which still occur today), as well as when they began touring throughout Argentina and eventually publishing a newspaper and even travelling to parts of Europe to attend conferences with other women’s networks. This allowed for the Las Madres to: personalize their experiences, name and shame their government of Argentina, while also advocating a common language that violence and disappeared persons should be put on the international agenda. On this international level, it appears that Las Madres were able to reach out to other governments by employing certain tactics similar to nationalist groups in Africa. For example, Las Madres were able to form a strong network: “they established a network of international support groups and by contacting foreign leaders and they created an international presence, thus influencing their own government” (Bouvard, 15). In this way, Bouvard states that Las Madres specifically reached out a hand to disappeared persons, stating “[They, Las Madres] consider themselves as mothers of all the disappeared children and believe the fates of their children […] are inextricably linked” (Bouvard, 12). Not only do they reach a hand out to families grieving over their loved ones, but Las Madres provide a sense of hope, as they send out a message to fellow Argentineans as well as for people around the world, saying: “we can take hold of our destinies and we all have the capacity to address our problems if we make up our minds to do so” (Bouvard, 13).
Las Madres, therefore, were able to shape politics in Argentina and influence countries worldwide by adopting a policy of international diplomacy because their goal was: “to transform the political system to reflect their definition of maternal values as concern for the well-being of all children, a concern expressed through health care, education, full employment and grass-roots participation in governance and the international pursuit of peace” (Bouvard, 15). Las Madres sought to transform the political system drastically by shaping politics, yet they were criticized for wanting to make such radical changes. Such radical changes led to the split of the organization in 1986, creating the Linea Fundadora: “a group of about a dozen Mothers formed the Linea Fundadora (Founding Line) in which some of these Mothers had been in the original group that began demonstrating in the Plaza [de Mayo]” (Bouvard, 16). This group focused less on advocating for policy reforms but rather looked at a different political angle: education, the class system and a more economic and feminist view point. Another group that formed around the same time as Las Madres was the Grandmothers of the Plaza de Mayo. The Grandmothers of the Plaza de Mayo originally shared information with Las Madres, wishing to carry on a similar legacy in Argentina: placing missing persons on the international agenda. The Grandmothers, however, were more focused on finding their missing grandchildren and specifically wanting to re-unite the children with their parents. Specifically, The Grandmothers did not advocate and lobby against the government in the same way Las Madres did, given as The Grandmothers focused on a forensic science method to determine the paternity line. Specifically, Keck and Sikkink state that there was a woman named Mary-Claire King from the University of California that: “told them [The Grandmothers] of a specific blood test that could be used to establish grandparent paternity even without information about the parents” (Keck and Sikkink, 94). As well, Eric Stover also provided insight to forensic techniques, as The Grandmothers learned: “that through the exhumation and analysis of cadavers, [they] could determine whether their daughters had given birth”, which would help identify if they had any lost grandchildren. The Grandmothers, therefore, were an important support network for Las Madres in Argentina and they were even able to travel internationally, similar to that of Las Madres, as they “traveled to Europe, the United States and Canada to denounce human rights violations in Argentina and to seek international solidarity” and look at a more science viewpoint of the situation in Argentina to help out with disappearances (Keck and Sikkink, 93).
Just as the Las Madres, the Linea Fundadora, Grandmothers of the Plaza de Mayo and AI called out internationally against the human rights injustices about missing persons and disappearances in South America, a similar movement was happening across Canada: advocating against the injustice of the countless number of indigenous women who have been missing, murdered or disappeared throughout Canada, with a majority of those women from Western provinces. This common language of “missing” or “murdered” or “disappeared” shows that there is the embracing of common language between advocacy networks in that the term “disappeared” was more commonly popularized based off of the phrases in Latina America, yet Canadians do not want to recognize or compare themselves with the Global South, by using the word “missing” more frequently. The National Women’s Association of Canada (NWAC) is: “a group of thirteen Native women’s organizations from across Canada [that] was incorporated as a non-profit organization in 1974” (NWAC profile). NWAC is relatively similar to Las Madres in Argentina, in that it unites all kinds of women (and men) to move towards justice for all, especially those wanting to know more about their disappeared loved ones in Canada. The NWAC, however, has a specific department within their organization, which is a separate NGO altogether, called Sisters in Spirit (SIS).
SIS is a Canadian organization that looks specifically at the violence experienced by Aboriginal women across various provinces in Canada where violence has led to various cases of missing or murdered women. With the headquarters in Ottawa, Ontario, SIS was able to start becoming a very influential Canadian national organization, seeking to: “investigate the root causes of violence against mothers, daughters, sisters, aunties and grandmothers [and] to honour women and girls who are missing or who have been lost to violence (SIS Research: NWAC). For example SIS successfully published a report in March of 2009, which excessively portrays information that is available to Canadians, by introducing life stories by ten missing women, ten missing women as well as ten stolen sisters. SIS also holds community workshops that have been held in various cities since about 2005. Since 2005, SIS has been working on collecting data and statistics which speak about Aboriginals who are missing or murdered in Canada, and the workshops, therefore, seek to spread this information to the Canadian public by voicing the importance of knowing how to stop violence against Aboriginal women and children. SIS also seeks to provide community education tool kits that can be used by individuals, members of a community or even organizations. There are four different toolkits: raising awareness, missing persons, media relations and safety measures. Each toolkit provides effect data analysis, graphs and information that educate the public on situations that are prominent in Canada, yet are unacknowledged by the federal government. SIS feels that these tool kits help raise awareness and are a step forward for SIS in terms of getting information out to the public and also in maintaining a strong stance rooted in information politics. It is evident that trough all these methods, therefore, SIS seeks to become a helpful tool to Canadians who have lost their loved ones, as well, as they reach out to the government in hopes of one day gaining a abetter justice system: “research education and is a policy initiative driven led by Aboriginal women […] which works to increase public knowledge and understanding at a national level of the impact of violence against Aboriginal women” (SIS: NWAC). After researching about NWAC, SIS and Amnesty International, it seems that each organization has a similar mission or message to send to the public:
“with the disruption of traditional ways of life, indigenous women may face particular challenges, losing status in their own society or finding that frustration and strife in the community is mirrored by violence in the household. For the growing numbers of indigenous women who have migrated to urban settings or who live on land with a heavy military presence, racial and sexual discrimination in the larger society may lead to a heightened risk of violence and unequal access to the protection of the justice system” (The Human Rights of Indigenous Peoples: Overview).
SIS is a Canadian organization that looks specifically at the violence experienced by Aboriginal women across various provinces in Canada where violence has led to various cases of missing or murdered women. With the headquarters in Ottawa, Ontario, SIS was able to start becoming a very influential Canadian national organization, seeking to: “investigate the root causes of violence against mothers, daughters, sisters, aunties and grandmothers [and] to honour women and girls who are missing or who have been lost to violence (SIS Research: NWAC). For example SIS successfully published a report in March of 2009, which excessively portrays information that is available to Canadians, by introducing life stories by ten missing women, ten missing women as well as ten stolen sisters. SIS also holds community workshops that have been held in various cities since about 2005. Since 2005, SIS has been working on collecting data and statistics which speak about Aboriginals who are missing or murdered in Canada, and the workshops, therefore, seek to spread this information to the Canadian public by voicing the importance of knowing how to stop violence against Aboriginal women and children. SIS also seeks to provide community education tool kits that can be used by individuals, members of a community or even organizations. There are four different toolkits: raising awareness, missing persons, media relations and safety measures. Each toolkit provides effect data analysis, graphs and information that educate the public on situations that are prominent in Canada, yet are unacknowledged by the federal government. SIS feels that these tool kits help raise awareness and are a step forward for SIS in terms of getting information out to the public and also in maintaining a strong stance rooted in information politics. It is evident that trough all these methods, therefore, SIS seeks to become a helpful tool to Canadians who have lost their loved ones, as well, as they reach out to the government in hopes of one day gaining a abetter justice system: “research education and is a policy initiative driven led by Aboriginal women […] which works to increase public knowledge and understanding at a national level of the impact of violence against Aboriginal women” (SIS: NWAC). After researching about NWAC, SIS and Amnesty International, it seems that each organization has a similar mission or message to send to the public:
“with the disruption of traditional ways of life, indigenous women may face particular challenges, losing status in their own society or finding that frustration and strife in the community is mirrored by violence in the household. For the growing numbers of indigenous women who have migrated to urban settings or who live on land with a heavy military presence, racial and sexual discrimination in the larger society may lead to a heightened risk of violence and unequal access to the protection of the justice system” (The Human Rights of Indigenous Peoples: Overview).
SIS, therefore, uses two methods to actively get information circulating regarding Aboriginal women’s rights through: databases (as the SIS seeks to make more statistics available to the public regarding missing persons) and storytelling (through personalizing experiences at speeches or written work that is published). Although using databases is quite a straightforward approach, SIS uses storytelling to personalize the issue by publicizing and personalizing life stories from different Aboriginal women across Canada, by collecting information from the victims’ parents. Another method adopted by SIS is holding vigils across Canada. Currently, SIS holds vigils in over 83 cities, each vigil promoting the mobilization of social change, with 12 cities are in Saskatchewan alone, such as major cities: Regina, Saskatoon, and Yorkton. The SIS vigils even had international participation in 2007 as there were communities in Peru and Colombia, according to the Voices of Our Sisters in Spirit Report of March 2009.
Although SIS has been effective in working with the NWAC and even AI to get international voices out, according to the Public Service Alliance of Canada (PSAC), there have been two downfalls of and for the Sisters in Spirit. Firstly, SIS was alerted that the funding from the NWAC would be cut. The PSAC states that this is a great downfall for SIS, given as: “SIS had allowed NWAC to demonstrate that there are nearly 600 Aboriginal women who are missing or have been murdered in the last few years [across Canada]” (Public Service Alliance Canada, Vol. 23, No. 01). In fact, the PSAC blames the Prime Minster Harper’s refusal to fund SIS stating: “PSAC is dismayed that [it is the choice of] the federal government [that] has refused to renew funding for the SIS initiative and refuse to recognized its special project status” (Public Service Alliance Canada, Vol. 23, No. 01). As Harper has cut the funding, it is clear that there will not be international recognition of this issue, if there cannot be any domestic recognition by the government of such an important international issue in Canada. Therefore, secondly, there has been some attempt to get the United Nations involved with Sisters in Spirit through the National Women’s Association of Canada, but attempts have been unsuccessful so far. On February 2, 2011, PSAC stated that: “the PSAC will be sending a delegation to the United Nations Commission on the Status of Women in March […]” because they believe in advocating for solidarity to be recognized among women’s groups all over the world. (Public Service Alliance Canada, Vol. 23, No. 01). However, there is no word yet of whether or not SIS will be able to gain any funding or be recognized and placed on the international agenda through the United Nations.
Therefore, the role of AI in Canada regarding the NWAC and SIS is crucial; it has helped with spreading the word for SIS in a similar fashion with Las Madres in Argentina by joining up with NWAC and SIS in 2004. AI released a report in Canada titled, “The Stolen Sisters”, which looks at the countless number of indigenous women who have been missing, murdered or disappeared throughout Canada, looking at a group of nine indigenous women who were as a result of violence and discrimination.
Therefore, the role of AI in Canada regarding the NWAC and SIS is crucial; it has helped with spreading the word for SIS in a similar fashion with Las Madres in Argentina by joining up with NWAC and SIS in 2004. AI released a report in Canada titled, “The Stolen Sisters”, which looks at the countless number of indigenous women who have been missing, murdered or disappeared throughout Canada, looking at a group of nine indigenous women who were as a result of violence and discrimination.
This report, although similar to Las Madres’ report in Argentina is different, given as AI seeks to say the federal government of Canada is lacking the action to find these women, instead of the government being repressive and militarily involved like the government in Argentina. This report by AI, called the Stolen Sisters, therefore, seeks a Canadian viewpoint, taking its readers inside this very prominent issue, “from the rolling farmland of Saskatchewan to the haunting depths of the dark alleys in Vancouver’s dangerous Hastings district” (Amnesty International: Stolen Sisters). In this way, the report AI gives makes the issue personal; stating life stories of the missing women and the families’ desperate search for their loved one across the prairies in Canada. In particular, AI addresses the continuing violence against Indigenous women as a human rights issue because all people should have access to certain universal rights and freedoms, as “over the past twenty years more than five hundred Indigenous women may have been murdered or gone missing” (Amnesty, Canada: Stolen Sisters, 24).
AI, therefore, states the importance that violence against women needs to be stopped by the government of Canada. AI blames the government for its inaction, stating that the government must be urged to follow up on issues of disappeared loved ones. AI advocates for governments to comply with measures as well, stating that inaction is just as detrimental as action against its people, stating: “governments are also obliged, though, to adopt effective measures to guard against private individuals committing acts which result in human rights abuses” (Amnesty, Canada :Stolen Sisters, 6).This specific quotation further states the governments duty to provide information on missing persons and urges for implementing a few laws that could further defend human rights. In making connections to human rights worldwide, AI’s report states the policing in Canada are another sector to be blamed. AI states: “police in Canada have often failed to provide Indigenous women with an adequate standard of protection” (Amnesty International Canada, Canada: Stolen Sisters, 2). The police usually provide little to no information regarding missing loved ones, stating there are no statistics available to the public or that is no information available at that time on the victim or treating the families with disrespect. In fact, AI’s report clearly states: “other families described [the injustice of] how police failed to act promptly when their sisters or daughters went missing, treated the family disrespectfully, or kept the family in the dark about how the investigation –if any –was proceeding” (Amnesty International Canada: Stolen Sisters, 29). AI, however, also states that there are a great number of assaulted, missing or murdered persons regarding Indigenous women that are not heard of because, for example, “a joint RCMP/Vancouver City Police Taskforce is investigating the disappearance of 60 women and one transgender person from Vancouver, British Columbia over the last decade” (Amnesty International Canada: Stolen Sisters, 23), even though there are national statistics set forth by the Canadian government that are higher than 60. By AI using an example in British Columbia, AI proves that disappearing persons exist on a more local scale in Canada, even if the federal government of Canada does not want to admit this. AI even personalizes the issue stating one woman whose sister disappeared in downtown Vancouver says: “she [the woman] is frustrated that the police and the city took so long to acknowledge there was a larger pattern beyond the individual cases and to mobilize a coordinated investigation” (Amnesty, Canada: Stolen Sisters, 54). Even in another particular case, a family created posters and scattered the posters around Winnipeg themselves because: “they say they received no help from the police and that the police made no effort to publicize the disappearance” (Amnesty Canada: Stolen Sisters, 60). In this regard, the information regarding inadequate policing action in Canada is parallel to Las Madres because they experienced extreme amounts of frustration and hardships when dealing with the Argentinean government, except at least Canadians do not need to worry about a repressive military government, yet the disappearances are directly a form of systemic racism towards Aboriginals instead.
However, albeit the terrors of the policing forces in Canada showing disrespect and sometimes even racist actions towards Aboriginal families, AI recognizes the few police officers who were able to find and provide information to families, stating: “a few described police officers who were polite and efficient and who, in a few cases, even went to extraordinary lengths to investigate the disappearance of their loved ones” (Amnesty, Canada: Stolen Sisters, 29). It is an unfair and unjust issue that several cases across Canada regarding missing persons have a long wait time to find out information about loved ones.
AI, therefore, constantly raises awareness and lobbying against the police forces in Canada and lobbying for change in Argentina, stating that there needs to be a more efficient way to get information out to the public in a timelier manner, specifically towards the missing persons’ family. AI blames and shames the police and Canada in the way that it responds to the missing persons particularly stating there needs to be more action by the police and government instead of inaction. AI shames the Argentinean government during the Dirty War, stating the government was wrong in its abductions against civilians. It is important to note that it is not just AI that raises the idea that everyone should be entitled to the same rights, yet Las Madres and SIS state that it should be regardless the culture or the country in which a person resides.
The words of Amnesty International ring true: “no one should suffer the grief of having a sister, mother or daughter, suddenly disappear never to be seen again. And certainly no one should have to live in fear that they will be the next woman or girl to go missing” (Amnesty, Canada: Stolen Sisters, 64). Las Madres and SIS are two examples of NGOs that cross borders both nationally and internationally, in Canada and Argentina respectively, seeking to place information about missing and disappeared persons on the international agenda. Las Madres seek to be a historical example of fighting against an oppressive government successfully, and it is worth noting that there have even been countless songs that have been written about these depressive conditions in Argentina during the Dirty War, such as “Hay Una Mujer Desaparacida” (“There is a woman missing”) that has been made popular by Holly Near in Latin America at this time, as well as in countless states in the United States. Even Sting’s performance of “They Dance Alone” is famous in 1988, as it was a song for Las Madres at an AI concert in Buenos Aires. SIS, however, has not been as successful in that it recently lost its funding from the NWAC but it has still set up goals that they will reach in the future, hoping to not only reduce the violence against Aboriginal women, but also tackle issues of poverty and justice, as well. Both groups, therefore, accurately depict the need for governments to accept the issue of disappearances as an issue that needs to be on the international agenda. This issue is important to citizens worldwide, and both groups advocate strongly that the government needs to play a stronger role in locating these missing individuals instead of inaction, racism or through the use of a military government.
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